The morphology of closed word classes

Word classes that have no or very little valency for morphemes are referred to as closed word classes. Adverbs, conjunctions, interjections and ideophones are typical closed word classes in Setswana. Nouns and particularly verbs are the open word classes as verbs have a high valence for inflectional morphemes.

Morphology of Setswana particles

Particles are autonomous words in Setswana even though they have been viewed as morphemes and written conjunctively by some grammarians (cf. Cole, 1975; Lombard, 1985: 169-174; Krüger 2006: 150). Particles indicate meanings that are related to the meanings expressed by prepositions in English. Prepositions are not identified in the Sotho-Tswana languages (Setswana, Sepedi/Sesotho sa Leboa, Sesotho). Particles function as introductory members of particle phrases and they take non-predicative complements.

The classification of particles

Two groups of particles are identified; a group that shows agreement to nouns and a group that does not show agreement. Possessive and qualificative particles agree with their head nouns while instrumental, temporal, locative, agentative, associative and comparative particles are used independently. Krüger (2006: 150) identifies relative particles that act as heads of qualificative particle phrases. These particles are here referred to as qualificative particles in line with Berg (2018: 95).

Based on their morphological structure Krüger (2006: 150) classifies particles in two groups, mono-morphemic and poly-morphemic particles (cf. Krüger, 2006: 150-154)

• Monomorphemic particles

  The following types are identified based on their meaning:

  • The associative particles le and na
    Example 1

    Ke bone batsadi le bana ba bone.

    ke- bon-e ba- tsadi le ba- ana ba bone

    AgrSubP1sg-see-VEnd NPre2-parent AssPart NPre2-child PossPart2 PossPro2

    I saw the parents and their children

    Example 2

    Ke buile na bo.

    ke- bu- i- le na bo

    AgrSubP1sg-see-PerfSuf-VEnd AssPart AbsPro2 (abbreviated)

    I talked to them.

  • The instrumental particle ka
    Example 3

    Ke tla kwala ka pene eo.

    ke- tla- kwal- a ka (ne-)-pene eo

    AgrSubjP1sg-FutPre-write-VEnd InstrPart NPre9-pen DemPro9D2

    I will write with that pen.

  • The locative particle ka
    Example 4

    Re tsene ka lebati leo.

    re- tsen- e ka le- bati leo

    AgrSubjP1pl-enter-VEnd LocPart NPre5-door DemPro5D2

    We entered through that door.

  • The temporal particle ka
    Example 5

    Kopano e tla simolola ka 11:00

    (ne-)-kopano e- tla- simolol-a ka 11:00

    NPre9-meeting AgrSubj9-FutPre-start- VEnd TempPart Adv

    The meeting will start at 11:00.

  • The referential particle ka
    Example 6

    Dibuka di farologana ka bogolo.

    di- buka di- farologan-a ka bo- golo

    NPre10-book AgrSubj10-differ- VEnd RefPart NPre14-adjective

    The books differ in size.

  • The locative particles mo, fa, kwa and go
    Example 7

    Re tla ya go bone kgantele.

    re- tla- y- a go bone kgantele

    AgrSubjP1pl-FutPre-go-VEnd LocPart AbsPro2 Adv

    We will go to them just now.

    The particles mo, fa and kwa are viewed as demonstrative pronouns (distance 1) by Krüger and others but as locative particles by Berg (2018) based on their valentional features.

  • The comparative particle jaaka
    Example 8

    O bua jaaka rraagwe.

    o- bu- a jaaka (-)- rra- wa- gagwe

    AgrSubjP3sg-speak-VEnd CompPart NPre1a-father-PossPart1-PossPro2

    He/she speaks like his/her father.

    The comparative particle jaaka can also function as a conjunction.

  • The alternative particles kgotsa, kappa, kampô, kana
    Example 9

    A lo batla nama ya nku kgotsa nama ya kgomo?

    A lo- batl-a (ne-)-nama ya (ne-)-ku kgotsa (ne-)-nama ya kgomo

    IntPart AgrSubjP2pl-want-VEnd NPre9-meat PossPart9 NPre9-sheep AltPart NPre9-meat PossPart9 NPre9-cow

    Do you want mutton or beef.

  • The agentative particle ke
    Example 10

    Koloi e tla kgweediwa ke ntate.

    Koloi e- tla-kgwee-diw- a ke ntate

    NPre9-car AgrSub9-Fut-drive-Pass-VEnd AgPart-ke NPre1a-father

    The car will be driven by father.

    This particle is used to indicate the agent of passive verbs.

• Polymorphemic particles

  Two types of polymorphemic particles are identified:

  • Qualificative particles

    Qualificative particles consist of a prefix that agrees with the class of the head noun and a root that is the lower counterpart of the vowel in the agreement morpheme. They are identical to the demonstrative pronouns of distance 1 in morphological form.

    Example 11

    Mabati a ntlo

    ma- bati a ntlo

    NPre6-money PossPart6 NPre9-house

    the doors of the house / the house’s doors

    Example 12

    Dinôtlôlô tsa me

    di- notlolo tsa me

    NPre10-key PossPart10 PossProP1sg

    My keys

    Table 1: Qualificative particles (Krüger, 2006: 153)

    Noun class	Class prefix	Agreement prefix	Variant	+	Root	>	Qualificative particle
    1	mo-	e-	y-	+	-ô	>	yô
    2	ba-	ba-	b-	+	-a	>	ba
    3	mo-	o-	(w-)	+	-ô	>	(w)ô
    4	me-	e-	(y-)	+	-ê	>	(y)ê
    5	le-	le-	l-/j-	+	-ê	>	lê/jê
    6	ma-	a-	(a-)	+	-a	>	a
    7	se-	se-	s-	+	-ê	>	sê
    8	di-	di-	ts-	+	-ê	>	tsê
    9	(N-)	e-	(y-)	+	-ê	>	(y)ê
    10	di(N)-	di-	ts-	+	-ê	>	tsê
    11	lo-	lo-	l-	+	-ô	>	lê
    14	bo-	bo-	b-/j-	+	-ô	>	bô/jô
    15	go-	go-	g-	+	-ô	>	gô

    Locative classes:

    Table 2

    Noun class	Class prefix	Agreement prefix	Variant	+	Root	>	Qualificative particle
    16	fa-	fa-	f-	+	-a	>	fa
    17	mo-	mo-	m-	+	-ô	>	mô
    18	kwa-	kwa-	kw-	+	-a	>	kwa
    19	ga-	kwa-	kw-	+	-a	>	kwa
    20	(N-)	kwa-	kw-	+	-a	>	kwa

  • The possessive particles

    Possessive particles consist of a prefix that agrees with the class of the head noun and a root -a. They indicate possession:

    Example 13

    bana ba gago

    ba- ana bagago

    NPre2-child PossPart2 PossPro2

    your children (the children of you)

    Table 3: Possessive particles (Krüger, 2006: 154)

    Noun class	Class prefix	Agreement morpheme	Variant	+	Root	>	Possessive particle
    1	mo-	o-	w-	+	-a		wa
    2	ba-	ba-	b-	+	-a		ba
    3	mo-	o-	w-	+	-a		wa
    4	me-	e-	y-	+	-a		ya
    5	le-	le-	l-	+	-a		la
    6	ma-	a-	a-	+	-a		a
    7	se-	se-	s-	+	-a		sa
    8	di-	di-	ts-	+	-a		tsa
    9	(N-)	e-	y-	+	-a		ya
    10	di(N)-	di-	ts-	+	-a		tsa
    11	lo-	lo-	l-	+	-a		la
    14	bo-	bo-	b-/jw-	+	-a		ba/jwa
    15	go-	go-	g-	+	-a	>	ga

    Locative classes:

    Table 4

    Noun class	Class prefix	Agreement morpheme	Variant	+	Root	>	Possessive particle
    16	fa-	-	-		-		-
    17	go-	go-	g-	+	-a		ga
    18	mo-	-	-		-		-
    19	ga-						ga
    20	(N-)						ga

The majority of Setswana adverbs have developed from or were derived from other word categories. Underived (basic or primitive) adverbs do exist. Adverbs are thus heterogeneous. There has been confusion in the description of adverbs since the term adverb, which indicates the word category has been used interchanged with the term descriptive, which indicates the functional category (Krüger, 2006: 164). (Further reading Le Roux, 2007).

Based on their morphology adverbs are classified as:

• Primitive/basic adverbs
  • kaê? ‘where?’
  • ruri ‘really/truly’
  • jalo ‘like that, like so’
  • jaanong ‘now’

    (Further reading for more elaborate lists of examples Krüger, 2006: 164-166).

• Derived adverbs

  They are derived by adding the prefixes ga- or seka- to adjectival roots and nouns (Krüger, 2006: 162).

Conjunctions comprise a small word class consisting of a number of diverse items. They acquired their status as conjunctions diachronically because of their particular semantic value, which resulted in rank shifting and category shifting. Conjunctions are thus morphologically heterogeneous and cannot be characterised by a specific morphological structure (Krüger, 2006: 156).

Conjunctions act as introductory members of co-ordinate and sub-ordinate sentences. Conjunctions are used to link words in coordinated structures. (Further reading Cole, 1975: 381-393; Vermeulen, 1984; Le Roux, 2011; Krüger, 2013a; Krüger, 2013b).

Based on their function in sentences conjunctions can be classified into a category which acts intrasententially (to join the parts of sentences) and a category which acts intersententially (to join individual sentences). Krüger (2006: 156-161) identifies the following intrasentential conjunctions:

• Underived
  • fa (‘if’ – temporal conditional)
  • le fa (‘although’ – concessive)
  • ntswa/etswa (‘although’ / ‘even if’ – concession or contrast)
  • jaaka (‘just as’ / ‘while’ / ‘at the time when’ – comparison or time)
  • bô/bôô (‘whether’ – probability or possibility)
  • mme (‘but’ – contrastive or additive)
  • ka (‘because’ – reason)
  • le morôrô (‘although’ / ‘despite’ / ‘though’ / ‘even if’ – contrast)
• Derived
  • gore (‘so that’ / ‘in order that’ / ‘whether’ – purpose or result)
  • e kete (‘as if’ / ‘it seems that’)
  • bile ‘and also’
  • e sa le (‘since’ / ‘from the time when’ – introduces descriptive clauses if time)
• ‘Since’ or ‘from’
  • go tloga, go fitlha and go tsamaya are infinitive verbs that may be used as conjunctions.

Krüger (2006: 161-161) identifies the following groups of intersentential conjunctions:

• Additive conjunctive descriptives:
  Example 14

  e bilê

  and, and furthermore

  Example 15

  gape

  and also, moreover

  Example 16

  godimo ga môo

  on to of that, and besiges, in addition

• Temporal conjunctive descriptives:
  Example 17

  go tloga môo

  from then on

  Example 18

  morago ga môo

  after that, subsequently, thereupon

  Example 19

  pele ga môo

  before that

• Alternating conjunctive descriptives:
  Example 20

  gongwê

  perhaps, possibly

  Example 21

  kgotsa

  perhaps, possibly

  Example 22

  motlhamongwe

  perhaps, may be, possibly

• Adversative conjunctive descriptives:
  Example 23

  le gale

  nevertheless

  Example 24

  fela

  but

  Example 25

  mme

  but

• Causal conjunctive descriptives:
  Example 26

  (ka) gonne

  because

  Example 27

  ka môo

  therefore, for that reason

Interjections do not exhibit a specific morphology (morphological structure). They do not consist of prefixes, roots and suffixes. They are therefore monomorphematic and cannot be classified into groups based on their morphology.

Cole (1975: 394-400) identifies three groups of interjectives based on his method of grammatical analysis. They are:

• primitive interjectives (which he also refers to as interjections)
• vocative interjectives, and
• imperative interjectives

Krüger (2006: 167) indicates that “Exclamations have the semantic value of expressing human feelings, sensations or the drawing of attention to phenomena of which there can be a wide variety.” He indicates the following groups based on their meaning while acknowledging that regional variants may appear:

• Interjections expressing agreement or disagreement
  Example 28

  Eê!

  Yes

  Example 29

  Nnyaa!

  No!

  Example 30

  Legoka!

  Not a bit

• Interjections expressing surprise or disbelief
  Example 31

  A!

  expressing surprise

  Example 32

  Ao!

  expressing surprise, disgust, disbelief or scorn

• Interjections expressing sorrow, distress, fear or disgust
  Example 33

  Yo!

  expressing distress, sympathy or commiseration

  Example 34

  Iyoo! Yôô! Yô-wêê

  expressing fear, pain or distress

• Interjections drawing attention
  Example 35

  [Used in calling someone relatively nearby.]

  Hêe!

  Hey, Ho there

  Example 36

  [Used in calling someone relatively distant.]

  Hêêla!

  Hey, Ho there

  Example 37

  Tswêêtswêê!

  Please!

• Interjections to address animals in calling, urging
  Example 38

  Aya!, Ayê!

  Used to drive on sheep.

  Example 39

  Kibi-kibi-kibi!

  Used to call fowls.

  Example 40

  Kss-kss-kss

  Used to instigate dogs.

Cole (1975: 370) indicates that ideophones are vivid vocal images or representations of visual, auditory and other sensory or mental experiences. Louwrens (1991: 79) indicates that an ideophone is a highly expressive word that is often used for sound symbolism regarding colour, sound, smell, taste, feeling, etc. This is different to the onomatopoeia of European languages, which are descriptive of sound only.

The function of ideophones is in many respects similar to that of the adverbs. The ideophone in Setswana functions as an exclamation or as a complement of the verb -re (‘say, mean’) (Ras, 1991: 108-109).

Morphologically ideophones do not exhibit a general characteristic with regard to their form. They are heterogeneous. Ideophones are often repeated several times to indicate that the action described by them happened repeatedly. They are thus reduplicable: (Refer to Lombard, 1985: 180 for Northern Sotho examples.)

• pitiki pitiki - Derived from the verb pitika ‘to roll over’ (Cole, 1975: 379)
  Example 41

  Lentswe le legolo le ne la pitikologa la re pitiki pitiki.

  le- ntswe le le- golo le- ne la- pitikolog-a la- r- e pitiki pitiki

  NPre5-rock QualPart5 NPre5-adjective AgrSubj5-Aux ConsAgrSubj5-roll over-VEnd ConsAgrSubj5-say-VEnd Ideo

  The big rock rolled over going pitiki pitiki.

• pôtôkô-pôtôkô - Imitation of the sound of a galloping horses’ hooves
  Example 42

  Ditlhako tsa pitse tsa re pôtôkô-pôtôkô mo tseleng.

  di- tlhako tsa (ne-)-pitse tsa- r- e pôtôkô-pôtôkô mo (ne-)-tsela-ing

  NPre8-shoe PossPart8 NPre9-horse ConsAgrSubj8-say-VEnd Ideo LocPart NPre9-road- LocSuf

  The horses’ hooves went pôtôkô-pôtôkô in the road.

Cole (1975: 371-380) bases his classification of Setswana ideophones on the amount of syllables that they have. He identifies monosyllabic, disyllabic (most Setswana ideophones have two syllables), trisyllabic and quadrisyllabic ideophones:

• Monosyllabic
  • kgê - the sound of an axe or panga when cutting a carcase

    The the verb go kgekgetha ‘to cut a carcase especially along the spine’ is derived from kgê.

  • thô - the sound of liquid falling in large drops

    Used for the falling of large raindrops.

• Disyllabic
  • nyelê - Derived from the verb go nyelêla ‘to disappear’
    Example 43

    Noga ya tsena mo tlhageng ya re nyelê.

    (ne-)-noga ya- tsen- a mo (ne-)-tlhaga-ing ya- r- e nyelê

    NPre9-snake ConsAgrSubj9-enter-VEnd LocPart NPre9-grass- LocSuf ConsAgrSubj-say-VEnd Ideo

    The snake went into the grass and disappeared.

  • phatsi - Derived from the verb go phatsima ‘to shine’
    Example 44

    Koloi e ntsha e ne e re phatsi phatsi fa pele ga ntlo.

    (ne-)-koloie-ntsha e- ne e- r- e phatsi phatsi fa (-)- pele ga (ne-)-ntlo

    NPre9-car NPre9-adjective AgrSubj9-Aux AgrSubj9-say-VEnd Ideo LocPart NPre20-in front PossPart20 NPre9-house

    The new car was shining in front of the house.

• Trisyllabic
  • pirigi - From the verb go pirigana ‘to fall heavily’.
    Example 45

    O ole mo setlhareng a re pirigi.

    o- w- il- e? mo se- tlhare-ing a- r- -e pirigi

    AgrSubj1-fall-PerfSuf-VEnd LocPart NPre7-tree- LocSuf ConsAgrSubj1-say- VEnd Ideo

    He/she fell from the tree heavily.

  • kôlôbu, tôlôbu - Of something plunging into deep water.
    Example 46

    Lefika le na la wela mo metsing la re kôlôbu.

    le- fika le- na la- w- el- a mo ma- itsi- ing la- r- e kôlôbu

    NPre5-rock AgrSubj5-Aux ConsAgrSubj5-fall-ApplSuf-VEnd LocPart NPre6-water-LocSuf ConsAgrSubj5-say-VEnd Ideo

    The rock plunged into the water.

• Quadrisyllabic

  pharakgatlha - of falling over backwards

  Example 47

  Monna a itaya legodu la re pharakgatlha fa fatshe.

  mo- nna a- itay-a le- godu la- r- e pharakgatlha fa fa- tshe

  NPre1-man ConsAgrSubj1-hit- VEnd NPre5-thief ConsAgrSubj5-say-VEnd Ideo LocPart NPre16-on the ground

  The man hit the thief and it fell backward onto the ground.

Cole, D. T. (1975) Introduction to Tswana grammar, 2nd impression. Cape Town: Longman.

Krüger, C. J. H. (2006) Introduction to the morphology of Setswana. München: Lincom.

Krüger, C. J. H. (2013a) Setswana syntax: a survey of word group structures: Volume 1. München: Lincom.

Krüger, C. J. H. (2013b) Setswana syntax: a survey of word group structures: Volume 2. München: Lincom.

Le Roux, J. C. (2007) A grammatical analysis of the Tswana adverbial. Doctoral Thesis. University of South Africa, Pretoria.

Le Roux, J. C. (2011) ‘The border dispute between adverbials and conjunctions in Tswana grammar’. South African Journal of African Languages. 31(1): 54-65.

Lombard, D., Van Wyk, E. B. & Mokgokong, P. C. (1985) Introduction to the grammar of Northern Sotho. Pretoria: Van Schaik.

Louwrens, L. J. (1991) Aspects of Northern Sotho grammar. Pretoria: Via Afrika.

Ras, W. A. P. (1991) Die ideofoon in Tswana. Master’s Dissertation. North-West University (Potchefstroom University for Higher Education), Potchefstroom.

Vermeulen, G. J. G. (1984) Voegwoorde in Tswana.Doctoral Thesis. North-West University (Potchefstroom University for Higher Education), Potchefstroom.