Word derivation

Describing new words in morphology is usually based on describing the processes involved when they are formed. “In morphology, a distinction is usually drawn between compounding, inflection and derivation. Inflectional and derivational markers involve bound functional morphemes with a partly different grammatical status” (Dimmendaal, 2000: 170). Derivation and inflection are conventionally known as the two most important types of morphological process.

Various views ranging from more traditional and universal descriptions such as structuralism to contemporary investigations are available and ongoing. Van Huyssteen (2017) discusses word formation in Afrikaans under the processes of affixation (which he uses as a broader term for derivation) and compounding. He mentions that the processes of conversion and subtraction are also prevalent in the description of word formation.

The derivation of new words in Bantu languages in general has traditionally been based on crosslinguistic / comparative analysis, where a large volume of work is available. In this work, the derivation of new words in the different Bantu languages is examined through comparing them to proto typical Bantu, or “Proto Bantu” (PB as it is often referred to), (cf. Schadeberg, 2003; Guthrie, 1967-1971; Meeussen: 1967).

The very brief description of the formation of new words in Setswana presented here is not based on comparison with other languages but on (more traditional) descriptions (Cole 1975, Krüger 2006: 39-57). It attempts to include some of the more modern views – further investigations are required for more detailed discussion though. The formation of new Setswana words is reached mainly through the processes of derivation which entails affixation, substitution and reduction, and compounding which includes reduplication. It is important to keep in mind that Setswana morphemes are classified into root morphemes, stem morphemes and grammatical morphemes. Grammatical morphemes are sub-divided into prefixes and suffixes based on their position in relation to the root of the word, but also into inflectional and derivational morphemes based on their function in the word (Krüger 2006: 52).

The distinction between inflection and derivation

It is difficult to maintain a clear-cut distinction between inflection and derivation or to characterise these two processes universally. What may be an inflectional process in the one language may be a derivational process in the other. It is further important to note that different criteria bring about different classifications. In the Bantu languages, many affixes perform both inflectional and derivational functions and both inflectional and derivational properties can be attributed to them Kosch (2006: 127). In this regard Kosch (2006: 127-128) goes on to explain the dual nature of noun class prefixes, verbal agreement morphemes and verbal suffixes.

It is furthermore impossible to preserve linguistic disciplines into watertight compartments as there is large interrelation between them (Krüger, 2006: 54; Katamba, 1993: 11-14). The process of affixation results in numerous phonological changes at the boundaries of these morphemes, which is why linguists refer to this as the study of morphophonology. In the same vein, the study of the influence of morphemes on syntax is referred to as morphosyntax.

Inflectional affixes bring about an internal modification to the grammatical categories of the stem they are used in. They thus operate on the syntactic level “inflectional morphology is concerned with syntactically driven word formation” (Katamba, 1993: 205). Derivational affixes on the other hand operate independent of the sentence in which the word is used, thus independent of the syntax (Kosch, 2006: 111). They change a word on the semantic level. They change the lexical content of the base that they are attached to. The morphological process is known as derivation.

The distinction between inflection and derivation has been discussed by numerous theorists. Dimmendaal (2000: 170) states that there are a number of tendencies that assist in determining whether a morpheme in a language is part of the inflectional or derivational system. These tendencies are not necessarily universally valid though. Kosch (2006: 111) indicates that the criteria used to distinguish between inflection and derivation are not clear cut as some properties that characterise derivation may also occur in inflection. In the same manner properties that characterise inflection may also be found in derivation. As such in the Bantu languages, inflectional morphemes invariably participate in the formation of derived words. An example would be the class gender indicating class prefix that forms part of the derivation of deverbatives.

Inflectional features related to Setswana nouns and verbs were treated in topic 4. In this section, the focus is on derivation as a morphological process whilst applying it to Setswana nouns.

The process of derivation

The linguistic tendency in derivation is to add, rather than to delete elements. The process of derivation thus normally takes place from a less structural (mono-structural) to a more complexly structured (poly-structural) form (Kosch, 2006: 113). The mono-structural form referred to here can be equated to the verbal lemma which is the most basic form a verb can have. It is the infinitive form of the verb which consists of the infinitive prefix, the root and the ending/final vowel, and no other affixes, for example:

In the case of nouns the lemma would be the simplest stem thus containing a class indicating prefix and a root:

In some Bantu languages, a single or multiple derivational affixes can create a new word from a base. Because of the agglutinative nature of the Sotho languages, inflectional affixes invariably take part in the formation of new words for grammatical reasons (Kosch, 2006: 113).

Characteristics of derivation

The following generally accepted characteristics of derivation are adapted from Kosch (2006: 111):

1. In the process of derivation, new lexical items are created from other lexical items. The affixes that are used in the process are referred to as derivational affixes.
2. Derivational affixes do not always add a constant, predictable meaning to the derived word. The meaning of the derived word is thus not always predictable from the root and affixes that constitute it.
3. The productivity/combinability of derivational affixes is lower than that of inflectional affixes. The semantics of the constituents may restrict combinability.
4. Derivational affixes usually occur closer to the root of the word than inflectional affixes. Katamba (1993: 117) states that typically where both inflectional and derivational morphemes are affixed to the same stratum as prefixes and suffixes, derivational morphemes occur nearer to the root than inflectional morphemes. Refer to Pretorius (2014) for a discussion on the proximity of Setswana verbal affixes to the root.
5. Derived words usually appear in the “open” word categories, nouns and verbs. The number of potential new words is limitless.
6. Derivation operates on the level of the lexicon. It is treated as lexical morphology (Katamba (1993: 92)). Inflection on the other hand is treated as part of grammar.
7. The communicative needs of a speaker determine the use of derivational affixes. The use of derivational affixes is thus a lexical consideration, which explains why derivational affixes are optional. They do not have to appear in words. The causative suffix is a derivational verbal suffix. It does not influence the semantics of the verb in the phrase semantically (see the examples below).
   Example 10

   Ke tla reka (dibuka tse).

   ke- tla- rek- a (di- buka tse)

   AgrSubjP1sg- FutPre- buy- VEnd (NPre10-book DemPro10)

   I will buy (these books)

   Example 11

   Ke tla rekisa (dibuka tse).

   Ke- tla- rek- is- a (di- buka tse)

   AgrSubjP1sg- FutPre- buy- CausSuf- VEnd (NPre10- book DemPro10)

   I will sell (these books).

8. Derivations occur within the same word category (class) as shown in the example above. However, derivational affixes such as the deverbative and denominative suffixes can change the word class membership of a word even though it is not a prerequisite for derivational affixes.

Inflectional and derivational affixes combine in the formation of new verbs. Cole (1975: 188) categorises verb stems as primitive verb stems and derivative stems. Primitive stems have no simpler form and do not show derivation from any other part of speech. Some of these stems are monosyllabic but most of them are disyllabic. Derivative stems are derived from primitive verb stems or other parts of speech through suffixal inflection; they usually have more than two syllables. Cole (1975: 188-190) gives an overview of primitive verb stems.

The common assumption is that verbal prefixes inflect verbs to indicate class gender, person and number, mood, tense, aspect, and polarity (Berg, 2018: 3; Cole, 1975: 242–267; Krüger, 2006: 198–243) while verbal suffixes lead to derived forms of the verb. “Verbal extensions are verbal derivational morphemes that may be suffixed to the verb stem” (Chavula, 2016: 16). Schadeberg (2003: 73) states that “Bantu verbal extensions do not form a neat semantic or syntactic system”. Many affixes perform both inflectional and derivational functions.

Some verbal suffixes may seem to fall in the category of inflectional morphemes but may fail to exhibit all the characteristics of inflection. Kosch (2006: 127) illustrates this for the reciprocal and causative suffixes. The reciprocal reduces the transitivity of an action, which is a clear inflectional feature. However, it has the derivational feature that it can combine semantically with almost all verb stems even though it may be with other suffixes such as the applicative and causative (Berg 2018: 80-87):

Verbal prefixes are treated as part of verbal morphology in topic 6. The use of verbal suffixes to derive verbs is referred to below.

Verbal suffixes and derivation

Verbal suffixes are divided into three groups based on their combinability (usage/productivity) viz. unproductive (inactive), semi-productive and productive suffixes Krüger (2006: 198).They are introduced here very briefly to indicate their derivative implication, and will be treated in more detail in topic 6 where the morphology of the verb is discussed. Kosch (2006) indicates that there is a relationship between the productivity of a verbal suffix and its’ position in relation to the root of the verb. The closer they appear to the root the more unproductive they are. Chavula (2016: 16) confirms this by stating that “extensions combine in such a way that the less productive ones will appear closer to the verb stem”.

Unproductive suffixes

These suffixes have become so fused to their roots that they can no longer be detached from them Krüger (2006: 198-203), Cole (1975: 214-215). They are:

• the contactive suffix– (-ar-) go apara go ap-ar-a ‘to wear / to put on clothes’;
• dispersive suffix (-al- / -alal-) go phatlalala go phatl-alal-a ‘to become scattered’; and
• the positional suffix (-am-) go khubama go khub-am-a ‘to kneel’.

Cole (1975: 215-218) and Krüger (2006: 200-202) also identify a durative suffix –y- or ay-, a stative causative suffix –eg- as well as a few miscellaneous suffixes based on semantics.

Krüger (2006: 209-214) also discusses unproductive suffixes. They are the dispersive, positional, contactive, stative, durative and deideophonic suffixes. Krüger (2006: 209) states that these suffixes do not act as suffixes anymore as they are now assimilated into the verbal root. The original verbal roots became obsolete.

Semi-productive suffixes

Semi-productive suffixes are detachable from the roots they are attached to as they are used with more roots than the unproductive suffixes (Krüger, 2006: 210-218 gives a detailed discussion). These suffixes are:

• The reversive suffixes -ol-, -olol- and -og-, -olog-

  As the name indicates the reversive suffixes have the common semantic value of conveying the opposite of the lexical meaning of the verb or reversing the meaning, or declaring it undone. Both suffixes -ol- and -og- have an extended form which includes -ol- as prefix to form -olol- and -olog-. Based on transitivity they are divided into two groups; -ol- and -olol- give a transitive meaning to the verb while -og- and -olog- convey an intransitive meaning:

  Example 13

  go phutha

  to collect, to gether, to parcel up

  Example 14

  go phutholola

  to open up, to spread out

  Example 15

  go phuthologa

  to become opened up

  Example 16

  go dira

  to do, to work, to make

  Example 17

  go dirolola

  to undo, to annul

  Example 18

  go dirologa

  to become undone

• The neuter suffixes -eg- and -eseg-

  Among the numerous terms used to refer to this extension, the term neuter is the one used most frequently. Dom (2014: 33) provides a list of terms used for the neuter extension. Only a very brief introduction to the term and its’ meaning is given here. Schadeberg (2006: 75) indicates that the neuter combines most frequently with verbs of destruction and experiencer verbs. The term neutro-passive that Schadeberg proposes is not effective in indicating the two semantic categories that the suffix expresses which has been approached from the view of case and voice alternation. Dom (2014: 33) indicates that “Several studies have proven that there are fundamental differences between the ergative alternation and the active/passive voice alternation.”

  Example 19

  Ngwana o thubile galase.

  Child he/she broke glass

  Ngwana o- thub- il- e galase

  NPre1a-child AgrSubj1- break-PerfSuf-VEnd NPre9-glas

  The child broke the glass

  Example 20

  Galase e thubegile

  Glass it broken

  Galase e thub- eg- il- e

  NPre9-glas AgrSubj- break-Neut- PerfSuf-VEnd

  The glass is broken.

  Example 21

  go dira

  to do, to work, to make

  Example 22

  go direga

  to happen, to take place

  Example 23

  go dumela

  to believe, to agree

  Example 24

  go dumelesega

  to be believable

• The denominatives suffixes -f- and -fal-

  These suffixes are attached to nominal roots when verbs are formed from them. Note that there is a variant of the neuter suffix -afal- / -agal- (Cole, 1975: 197) that looks similar to this morpheme that appears in verbs:

  Example 25

  go tlhoka

  to lack / to be without

  Example 26

  go tlhokafala

  to become lacking / to be scarce

  Example 27

  go dira

  to do / to make

  Example 28

  go dirafala / go diragala

  to become done / to take place / to come to pass / to happen

  Example 29

  go bona

  to see

  Example 30

  go bonagala / go bonafala

  to be evident / to be plain

• The iterative suffix -ak-

  This suffix indicates that the action indicated in the verb is carried out extensively i.e., forcefully or repeatedly:

  Example 31

  go roga

  to swear / to curse

  Example 32

  go rogaka

  to curse violently

  Example 33

  go sega

  to cut

  Example 34

  go segaka

  to cut to pieces / to slash

• The intensive suffix -isis-

  This suffix inflects an intensified meaning to the verb:

  Example 35

  go batla

  to search / look for someone

  Example 36

  go batlisisa

  to search intensively / to investigate

  Example 37

  go botsa

  to ask

  Example 38

  go botsisisa

  to investigate / to interrogate

  Example 39

  go dira

  to do / to work

  Example 40

  go dirisisa

  to use intensively

Productive suffixes

Productive verbal suffixes are the causative (‘CausSuf’ -is-), applicative (‘ApplSuf’ -el-), reciprocal (‘RecSuf’ -an-), perfect (‘PerfSuf’ -il-) and passive (‘PassSuf’ -iw-) suffixes. These suffixes are often referred to as the CARP template based on the first letters of their names (Cole, 1975: 192–211; Krüger 2006: 257; Pretorius 2014). Setswana verbs end in the obligatory verbal ending.

• Causative:
  Example 41

  Monna o reka dijo.

  mo- nna o- rek-a di- j- o

  NPre1-man AgrSubj1- buy-VEnd NPre10-eat-DevSuf

  The man buys food.

  Example 42

  Monna o rekisa dijo.

  mo- nna o- rek- is- a di- j- o

  NPre1-man AgrSubj1 -buy- CausSuf-VEnd NPre10-eat-DevSuf

  The man sells food.

• Applicative:
  Example 43

  Monna o rekela mosadi dijo.

  mo- nna o- rek -el -a mo-sadi di- j- o

  NPre1-man AgrSubj1-buy ApplSuf-VEnd NPre1-woman NPre10-eat-DevSuf

  The man buys (for) the woman food.

• Reciprocal:
  Example 44

  Batho ba a thusana.

  ba- tho ba- a- thus -an -a

  NPre2-people AgrSubj2- help -RecSuf-VEnd

  People help each other.

• Perfect:
  Example 45

  Monna o rekile dijo.

  mo- nna o- rek- il- e di- j- o

  NPre1-man AgrSubj1- buy- PerfSuf-VEnd NPre10-eat-DevSuf

  The man brought food.

• Passive:
  Example 46

  Dijo di rekiwa ke monna.

  di- j- o di- rek- iw- a ke mo -nna

  NPre10-eat-DevSuf AgrSubj1- buy- PassSuf-VEnd AgPart NPre1-man

  The food is being bought by the man.

Verbs may be derived from nominal and adjectival roots. The process is often referred to as denominalisation. The verb is derived by replacing the prefix of the noun with the infinitive prefix -go- while suffixing the denominative suffix -fa- / -fal- and ending -a to the root at the same time (Krüger, 2006: 202-203; Cole, 1975: 219-221). The suffix -fa- is used with a limited number of roots and is no longer active as a verbalising suffix;

• -fa- with nominal roots
  Example 47

  boboi

  fear, fright

  Example 48

  go boifa

  to fear, to be afraid of

  Example 49

  botlhale

  wisdom

  Example 50

  go tlhalefa

  to become wise / educated

• -fa- with adjectival roots
  Example 51

  -be

  bad, evil

  go befa

  to show displeasure, to frown, to become bad

  The suffix -fal- on the other hand is used more frequently as it is still active as a verbalising suffix;

• -fal- with nominal roots
  Example 52

  bokoa

  weakness

  Example 53

  go koafala

  to become weak / weakened

  Example 54

  (bo)tsididi

  coldness

  Example 55

  go tsidifala

  to become cold

  Example 56

  leswe

  dirt, filth

  Example 57

  go leswefala

  to become dirty

• -fal- with adjectival roots
  Example 58

  -khutshwane

  short

  go khutshwafala

  to become short, to shorten

  Example 59

  -ntsi

  many, much

  go ntsifala

  to become many, to increase

  Example 60

  -nnye

  small

  go nnyefala / go nyenyefala

  to become small

Verbs derived from ideophones

Verbs can be derived from ideophonic stems through the addition of deideophonic suffixes. There are numerous verbs that have been derived from ideophones in Setswana. Cole (1975: 221-222) indicates that various prefixes such as -la, -ga, -ma, -mela, -metsa and -sela may be used for this purpose. Note that Cole includes the final vowel of the verb in these suffixes.

Krüger (2006: 202) postulates the probability that this morpheme and the applicative suffix -el- are identical:

Verbs derived from existing verb stems

Verbs may be derived from existing verbal stems by nasalising or strengthening the initial consonant, which gives the derived form an enhanced semantic significance (Cole, 1975: 222):

As a result of the nasalisation of the initial consonant it may be hypothesised that these verbs became deverbatives first, then denominatives:

Adopted verbs

The majority of verbs adopted into Setswana are from the neighbouring languages of English, Afrikaans and other African languages spoken in the area. Verbs from sister Sotho languages (Sesotho and Sepedi) have largely similar roots:

Back forming

Verbs are also adopted via back formation from nouns of other languages (Cole, 1975: 223):

Reduplications

In the process of reduplication complete words or parts of words are duplicated (Krüger, (2006: 43). When Setswana nouns are reduplicated an extensive meaning Krüger (2006: 43). Reduplication brings about a muted meaning in Setswana verbs:

When monosyllabic verbs are reduplicated, a stabilising -e-, -a- or no morpheme at al – a so called zero morpheme is sometimes included between stems:

Care must be taken in the identification of adverbs in Setswana as there are misinterpretations sometimes as a result of unclear definitions of the word class, adverb and its use as a descriptive – which is often a word group in Setswana (Krüger, 2006: 161). Setswana adverbs refer to time, place and manner. A distinction is made between primitive (or basic adverbs) and derived adverbs (Krüger, 2006: 162; Cole, 1975: 340-369).

• Primitive / basic adverbs
  Example 83

  leng?

  when?

  Example 84

  ruri

  really, truly

  Example 85

  jang?

  how?

  Example 86

  jalô

  like that

  Note that it can be reduplicated as jalojalo > (etcetera) which would be abbreviated as jj.

  Example 87

  jaanong

  now

  Example 88

  jaana

  thus, like this, in this way

  Example 89

  (it is the compound of the above two adverbs)

  jaanong jaana

  right now

  Example 90

  gompiêno

  today / nowadays

  Example 91

  kgantêlê

  soon, in a while

• Derived adverbs:

  These adverbs are derived from adjectival roots and from nouns by means of the adverbial prefixes ga- and seka- respectively (Krüger, 2006: 162):

  Table 4

  Adverbial	Adjectival root
  gagolo ‘especially / largely’	-golo ‘big / large’
  gantsi ‘often / frequently’	-ntsi ‘a lot / many’
  gannyane ‘slightly, a little’	-nnyane ‘small / little’
  gangwe ‘once’	-ngwe ‘one’
  gabedi ‘twice’	-bêdi ‘two’
  sekatau ‘like a lion / lionlike’	tau ‘lion’
  sekantšwa ‘like a dog / in a dog like manner’	ntšwa ‘dog’

The sub categories of derived nouns

• The derivation of nouns through the inclusion suffixes; the diminutive, the locative and in a smaller number of instances the feminitive and augmentative suffixes.
• The derivation of nouns through the inclusion of the prefix seka-.
• The derivation of nouns through adapting words from other word classes into nouns:
  • nouns derived from verbs – also referred to as deverbation
  • nouns derived from pronouns
  • nouns derived from adjective roots
  • nouns derived from nouns of the locative class
  • nouns derived from ideophones and interjections

The derivation of nouns through the inclusion of suffixes and prefixes are referred to as non-word class changing derivation while derivation through adapting word forms from other word classes are referred to as word class changing derivation. Nouns can also be derived from other nouns. This process is referred to as noun class interchange or nominal shifting.

Noun class interchange

The process of nominal shifting or nouns class interchange (Krüger 2006: 101) where nouns from a certain noun class are transferred into another noun class is a widespread characteristic of the Bantu languages in general, and of the Sotho languages of which Setswana is a member.

Morphologically the derivation is brought about by affixation through the substitution of the nouns’ class indicating prefix, which results in a different semantic value. Three groups are identified based on semantic value (Krüger 2006: 101-105).

Nouns indicating nationality / tribal identity

These nouns are often derived from class 9 n- which indicates the totem of a specific clan into class 1 mo- to indicate tribal identity, class 7 se- to indicate language, dialect, style or custom, and class 14 bo- to indicate the status of belonging to a specific group:

There are also such derivations where more than one prefix is added upon a prefix:

Nouns indicating human charcateristics

These nouns are derived from class 1 mo- into: class 7 se- to indicate particular characteristics, and class 14 bo- to indicate an abstract characteristic related to the root of the noun:

Inanimate nouns

These nouns are derived from classes other than classes one and two. Classes 5 and 7 appears to be a common recipient class, their semantic contribution is not clear though.

(as in ka sebele ‘in person / personally’)

Chavula, J. J. (2016) Verbal derivation and valency in Citimbuka. Doctoral Thesis, University of Leiden, Leiden.

Cole, D. T. (1975) Introduction to Tswana grammar, 2nd impression. Cape Town: Longman.

Dom, S. (2014) The neuter in Bantu: A systemic functional analysis. Master’s Dissertation. Ghent University, Ghent.

Guthrie, M. (1967 – 1971) Comparative Bantu: 4 Volumes. Farnborough: Gregg International.

Katamba, F. (1993) Morphology. London: Macmillan.

Kosch, I. M. (2006) Topics in morphology in the African language context. Pretoria: University of South Africa.

Krüger, C. J. H. (2006) Introduction to the morphology of Setswana. München: Lincom.

Meeussen, A. E. (1967) ‘Bantu grammatical reconstructions’. Africana linguistica. 3(1): 79-121.

Pretorius, R. S. (2014) ‘The sequence and productivity of Setswana verbal suffixes’. Stellenbosch Papers in Linguistics Plus. 44: 1–23.

Schadeberg, T. (2003). ‘Derivation’. In Nurse, D. & Philippson, G. (eds.). The Bantu Languages. London: Routledge. pp. 71-89.